Is China taking over the Caribbean? This question echoes across policy circles, academic debates, and public discourse in the region. Over the past two decades, Chinas growing footprint in the Caribbean has become increasingly visible through infrastructure development, trade relations, financial assistance, and cultural exchanges. Critics often raise concerns about sovereignty, debt traps, and geopolitical influence, while others argue that Chinese engagement provides much-needed opportunities for economic development and modernisation. Nowhere is this duality more evident than in Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica, two nations that serve as critical case studies in assessing Chinas Caribbean strategy and its implications.
Chinas interest in the Caribbean is part of its broader Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a global development strategy that aims to expand trade and infrastructure networks connecting Asia with Africa, Europe, and the Americas. The Caribbean, despite its relatively small size, holds significant strategic value. Located near key maritime routes, with voting power in international organisations and access to valuable natural resources, Caribbean nations are essential partners in Chinas geopolitical and economic vision. .
Trinidad and Tobago and China established diplomatic ties in 1974; Trinidad became the first English-speaking Caribbean country to sign on to the BRI in 2018. Among the most visible Chinese-led projects is the construction of the Couva Childrens Hospital, the National Academy for the Performing Arts, and the Phoenix Park Industrial Estate, which is designed to attract foreign direct investment, promote manufacturing, and create employment objectives that align with Trinidad and Tobagos diversification goals beyond oil and gas.
Chinas involvement in Jamaica is even more extensive. The island has received billions of dollars in Chinese loans, leading to the construction of highways, hotels, and other infrastructure. One of the most talked-about projects is the North-South Highway linking Kingston to Ocho Rios. This highway has significantly reduced travel time and enhanced mobility, thereby boosting the tourism sector. Chinese companies have also undertaken construction of the Trelawny Stadium and upgrades to the Norman Manley International Airport. These investments have visibly improved Jamaicas physical infrastructure, offering tangible benefits to both citizens and the economy.
However, the growing Chinese presence has sparked controversy and concern. Critics question whether these projects are economically sustainable and politically wise. Many Chinese loans come with high interest rates and repayment terms that could burden small economies. In Jamaica, concerns about rising debt levels prompted the government to shift toward public-private partnerships and tighter fiscal management in recent years. In T&T, the government has faced scrutiny over the terms of Chinese-financed projects and the transparency of awarding contracts to Chinese firms. While both countries maintain that Chinese partnerships are critical to their national development, critics argue that reliance on China could compromise long-term sovereignty and economic independence.
There are also social and labour concerns. Chinese-funded projects often bring in Chinese labourers, which can limit job opportunities for local workers and create tension with trade unions. In both Jamaica and Trinidad, there have been calls for governments to insist on higher local labour participation and knowledge transfer in Chinese-led developments. Moreover, cultural misunderstandings and a perceived lack of integration between Chinese workers and Caribbean communities have occasionally fuelled mistrust and resentment.
Nonetheless, there are undeniable benefits to Chinas engagement in the Caribbean. For small island developing states often marginalised by global financial institutions, China provides an alternative source of capital and investment. Unlike Western donors, Chinas approach typically avoids conditionalities tied to human rights or governance reforms. This no-strings-attached model can be appealing to Caribbean governments that seek to chart their own development paths. Additionally, China has provided scholarships, medical aid, and technical training to Caribbean nationals, contributing to human capital development. During the Covid-19 pandemic, China donated personal protective equipment, vaccines, and medical supplies to the region, reinforcing its soft power and diplomacy.
For T&T, Chinas involvement can facilitate economic diversification by encouraging growth in non-energy sectors such as manufacturing, logistics, and tourism. Yet both countries must tread carefully to ensure that Chinese support complements their national development priorities rather than dictating them. It would be an oversimplification to say that China is taking over the Caribbean. The relationship is more complex.
China is undoubtedly becoming a dominant external player in the region, but Caribbean governments still retain agency in deciding how to engage. The key lies in strategic planning, rigorous negotiation, and transparency. To avoid falling into dependency, T&T and Jamaica must strengthen their institutional capacities to manage foreign investment, uphold accountability, and ensure that deals serve the public good.
Ultimately, the Caribbeans relationship with China is neither inherently good nor bad; it is what regional leaders make of it. By learning from each others experiences and insisting on mutually beneficial partnerships, Caribbean nations can harness opportunities China offers while safeguarding their sovereignty.
The future of the regions development may well depend on how adeptly it can navigate this delicate balance.
The author has successfully completed a Bachelors Degree in Political Science at The University of the West Indies.
